Mark Dingemanse & Bill Thompson (this version: 2019-11-28)
- Imputed funniness and iconicity
- Analysable morphology bias in iconicity ratings
- Imputing ratings based on monomorphemic words only
- Markedness patterns in words with imputed ratings
- Markedness for iconicity vs funniness ratings
- Phonotactic measures from IPHOD
- Valence helps explain high-iconicity low-funniness words
- Age of acquisition
- Word classes
Part of supporting materials for the paper Playful iconicity: Structural markedness underlies the relation between funniness and iconicity. Here we report additional analyses that provide more details than we have room for in the paper. The main analyses, figures, and data are in a separate code notebook.
In the paper, we test the imputation method by seeing whether the funniness ~ iconicity relation is upheld in imputed iconicity ratings. This is a good test case because we have a sizable test set (3.577) and there is an objective definition of iconicity (resemblance between aspects of form and aspects of meaning). Indeed we find that words with high imputed iconicity are clearly imitative and cite some evidence from OED definitions (though we don’t do this in a systematic way).
It is also reasonable to test the imputation method the other way around. Does the relation between human iconicity ratings and imputed funniness ratings make any sense? There are 1.526 words for which we have human iconicity ratings but not funniness ratings. Since this is a much smaller set and there is no objective ways to judge the funniness of words we don’t report this comparison in the paper, but it comes out just as expected.
We construct a linear model predicting imputed funniness based on frequency and rt, and compare that with a model that includes human iconicity ratings see how much this improves our predictions.
Compared to model mS2.1, which predicts fun_imputed with just log frequency and lexical decision time, model mS2.2 including iconicity as predictor provides a significantly better fit (F = 125.88, p < 0.0001) and explains a larger portion of the variance (adjusted R2 = 0.32 vs. 0.24).
Model mS2.1: lm(formula = fun_imputed ~ logfreq + rt, data = words.setD)
predictor |
df |
SS |
(F) |
(p) |
partial (\eta^2) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
logfreq |
1 |
25.869 |
291.852 |
0 |
0.225 |
rt |
1 |
2.174 |
24.522 |
0 |
0.024 |
Residuals |
1006 |
89.170 |
Model m2.2: lm(formula = fun_imputed ~ logfreq + rt + ico, data = words.setD)
predictor |
df |
SS |
(F) |
(p) |
partial (\eta^2) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
logfreq |
1 |
25.869 |
328.080 |
0 |
0.246 |
rt |
1 |
2.174 |
27.566 |
0 |
0.027 |
ico |
1 |
9.926 |
125.878 |
0 |
0.111 |
Residuals |
1005 |
79.244 |
model comparison
Res.Df |
RSS |
Df |
Sum of Sq |
F |
Pr(>F) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1006 |
89.16985 |
||||
1005 |
79.24433 |
1 |
9.92552 |
125.8784 |
0 |
A partial correlations analysis shows that there is 32% of covariance between iconicity ratings and imputed funniness that is not explained by word frequency (r = 0.32, p < 0.0001). In other words, human iconicity ratings are a strong predictor of imputed funniness.
imputed funniness and iconicity controlling for word frequency
estimate |
p.value |
statistic |
n |
gp |
Method |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
0.3230455 |
0 |
13.3213 |
1526 |
1 |
pearson |
Example words
High imputed funniness and high iconicity: gurgle, mushy, screech, icky, goopy, hiss, quack, cooing, chirping, squishy, mini, crinkle, sizzle, slosh, slurp, purring, splat, crinkly, buzz, scoot
Low imputed funniness and low iconicity: synagogue, bequeath, require, choose, repent, condition, ambulance, polio, injury, attorney, oppose, resign, denial, motionless
High funniness and low iconicity: buttock, knave, cockatoo, bib, yam, donut, zucchini, honeyed, dewy, emu, budgie, buttery, holey, vagina, leotards, parakeet, kitten, burl, downy, slang
Low imputed funniness and high iconicity: explosion, crushed, no, stinging, breathe, harsh, sting, huge, fibrous
An inspection of the top few hundred words reveals many clearly iconic words, but also a number of transparently compositional words like sunshine, seaweed, downpour, dishwasher, corkscrew, bedroom. Looking at top rated iconic nouns with >1 morphemes is a good way of finding many of these.
# 200 most iconic words for visual inspection
words %>%
drop_na(ico) %>%
filter(ico_perc > 8) %>%
arrange(-ico) %>%
dplyr::select(word) %>%
slice(1:200) %>% unlist() %>% unname()
# top rated iconic nouns with >1 morphemes is a good way of getting at many of these
words %>%
drop_na(ico) %>%
filter(ico_perc > 8,
nmorph > 1,
POS == "Noun") %>%
arrange(-ico) %>%
dplyr::select(word) %>%
slice(1:200) %>% unlist() %>% unname()
These analysable compound nouns are treated by naïve raters as “sounding like what they mean” and therefore given high iconicity ratings, leading to rating artefacts. We can use data on number of morphemes from the English lexicon project (Balota et al. 2007) to filter out such words and look at monomorphemic words only.
The plots and partial correlations below show that the basic patterns emerge somewhat clearer in monomorphemic words, as expected. All findings remain the same.
There are 1278 monomorphemic words in set A (out of a total of 1419).
mean iconicity by number of morphemes
nmorph |
n |
mean.ico |
---|---|---|
1 |
1278 |
0.8546147 |
2 |
137 |
1.0236474 |
3 |
3 |
1.4055556 |
1 |
1.0000000 |
highest 7 iconic words per number of morphemes (1-3)
word |
ico |
fun |
nmorph |
---|---|---|---|
click |
4.4615385 |
2.135135 |
1 |
beep |
4.3571429 |
2.615385 |
1 |
squeak |
4.2307692 |
3.230769 |
1 |
chirp |
4.1428571 |
3.000000 |
1 |
stomp |
4.1000000 |
2.421053 |
1 |
pop |
4.0769231 |
3.294118 |
1 |
bleep |
3.9285714 |
2.931818 |
1 |
zigzag |
4.3000000 |
3.113636 |
2 |
buzzer |
4.0909091 |
2.833333 |
2 |
skateboard |
3.6000000 |
2.208333 |
2 |
sunshine |
3.0909091 |
2.064516 |
2 |
zipper |
2.9230769 |
2.516129 |
2 |
freezer |
2.9166667 |
2.281250 |
2 |
bubbly |
2.8181818 |
3.352941 |
2 |
fireworks |
1.9000000 |
2.294118 |
3 |
pliers |
1.9000000 |
2.352941 |
3 |
influence |
0.4166667 |
1.914286 |
3 |
Partial correlations between funniness and iconicity, controlling for frequency, in monomorphemic words
estimate |
p.value |
statistic |
n |
gp |
Method |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
0.2158506 |
0 |
7.893486 |
1278 |
1 |
pearson |
There are 2176 monomorphemic words in set B (61% of 3577).
mean iconicity by number of morphemes in set B
nmorph |
n |
mean.ico |
---|---|---|
# |
14 |
0.8584171 |
1 |
2176 |
0.6878947 |
2 |
1321 |
0.5808049 |
3 |
42 |
0.4412872 |
24 |
0.2862270 |
Partial correlations between funniness and imputed iconicity, controlling for frequency, in monomorphemic words
estimate |
p.value |
statistic |
n |
gp |
Method |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
0.3278004 |
0 |
16.17424 |
2176 |
1 |
pearson |
There are only 5168 monomorphemic words in set C (out of 41548 words for which we have data on number of morphemes).
mean iconicity by number of morphemes in set C
nmorph |
n |
mean.ico |
---|---|---|
# |
1320 |
0.4958385 |
1 |
5168 |
0.5410642 |
2 |
20456 |
0.6485362 |
3 |
11575 |
0.4194742 |
4 |
2689 |
0.3195566 |
5 |
329 |
0.2877888 |
6 |
11 |
0.3718408 |
22132 |
0.4706343 |
Partial correlations between imputed funniness and imputed iconicity, controlling for frequency, in monomorphemic words
estimate |
p.value |
statistic |
n |
gp |
Method |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
0.4370105 |
0 |
34.91781 |
5168 |
1 |
pearson |
Given what we know about the bias in iconicity ratings it may make sense to base imputation only on monomorphemic words and see how this affects the results. It should lead to less analysable compounds showing up high in the imputed iconicity ratings of set B and set C.
Model comparison shows that a model with imputed monomorphemic iconicity has a significantly better fit (F 227.5, p < 0.0001) and explains a larger amount of variance (R2 = 0.139 vs 0.084) than a model with just frequency and RT. However, the original model with imputed iconicity based on all words explains still more of the variance (R2 = 0.187).
Partial correlations show 23% covariance in set B (n = 3036) between funniness and imputed iconicity based on monomorphemic words, controlling for word frequency.
Partial correlations between funniness and imputed monomorphemic iconicity, controlling for frequency
estimate |
p.value |
statistic |
n |
gp |
Method |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
0.2292556 |
0 |
12.97119 |
3036 |
1 |
pearson |
Example words
High imputed funniness and high imputed monomorphemic iconicity: whack, burp, smack, fizz, chug, dud, wallop, beatnik, oddball, swish, snooze, bop, loony, squirm, chuckle, poof, bebop, getup, spunk, shindig
Low funniness and low imputed monomorphemic iconicity: housework, town, divorce, purchase, plaintiff, spacing, mean, prayer, hunting, arson, conscience, theft, shipping, visa, amends, bible, thyroid, concourse, union, wheelchair
High funniness and low imputed monomorphemic iconicity: rump, dodo, toga, scrotum, muskrat, satyr, sphincter, gourd, kebab, cheesecake, swank, girth, ducky, pubes, gad, rectum, sphinx, trump, harlot, lapdog
Low funniness and high imputed monomorphemic iconicity: doom, scrape, feedback, shudder, choke, replay, transient, shrapnel, fright, dental, thaw, lockup, tech, brow, cue, bloodbath, post, blend, decay, lair
Set C In set C we see the same: regressions are not much improved by using imputed scores based on monomorphemic words only.
Since the monomorphemic ratings were introduced specifically to check
whether we can address the analysable compound bias in iconicity
ratings, we use the original imputed funniness ratings, although we also
have imputed funniness ratings based on monomorphemic words
(fun_imputed_monomorph
).
Model comparison shows that the imputed iconicity ratings based on monomorphemic words are pretty good, explaining more variance (R2 = 0.14 versus 0.06) than a model without iconicity. However, a model based on the original imputed ratings does much better (R2 = 0.24), so this is not giving us more power to detect the relation between funniness and iconicity ratings.
Example words
High imputed funniness and high imputed monomorphemic iconicity: tiddly, whir, sleaze, wibble, phat, whoo, whoosh, lah, rah, wah, buzzy, pung, popsy, plonk, phooey, thwack, whirr, chit, oozy, talky
Low imputed funniness and low imputed monomorphemic iconicity: upbringing, finalizing, surpassed, silva, p, received, suffrage, excused, undersigned, abase, disobedience, absences, biography, guilty, basin, sacredness, records, designating, scriptural, justifies
High imputed funniness and low imputed monomorphemic iconicity: copula, bratwurst, pisser, grum, ferme, prat, twitty, shags, wadi, gleba, lovebird, heifers, putz, chickweed, bungo, froufrou, burg, ramus, porgy, wiener
Low imputed funniness and high imputed monomorphemic iconicity: req, notify, engulf, concussive, desc, tox, undergoes, unbind, afb, hts, filmic, unrelentingly, undergo, ld, awl, excruciate, reeducation, adrenalin, storyboard, downpours
How about compounds?
In the new imputed ratings based on monomorphemic words, is it still easy to find analysable compound nouns rated as highly iconic? Yes, it is… oddball, cleanup, dustpan, killjoy, shakedown, showbizz, feedback, etc.
Visualisastions of iconicity ratings by number of morphemes are hard to interpret. The distribution of the ratings is somewhat different (a more squat distribution in the ratings based on monomorphemic words), but it is not obvious that there are large differences in the relative preponderance of monomorphemic versus multimorphemic words in the top percentiles of iconicity ratings.
## # A tibble: 1 x 1
## n
## <int>
## 1 265
Set B, top 20% of words by imputed iconicity based on all words
nmorph |
n |
---|---|
1 |
520 |
2 |
210 |
3 |
4 |
Set B, top 20% of words by imputed iconicity based on monomorphemic words
nmorph |
n |
---|---|
1 |
417 |
2 |
224 |
3 |
3 |
Set C, top 20% of words by imputed iconicity based on all words
nmorph |
n |
---|---|
1 |
1083 |
2 |
5174 |
3 |
1408 |
Set C, top 20% of words by imputed iconicity based on monomorphemic words
nmorph |
n |
---|---|
1 |
1157 |
2 |
4572 |
3 |
1759 |
In sum, while basing imputed iconicity ratings on monomorphemic words with human ratings gives reasonable results, it does not seem to result in a marked improvement of the imputed ratings, though further analysis is needed.
While the primary focus of analysis 4 was on set A (the core set of human ratings), it’s interesting to see how well the structural cues fare in explaining independently imputed iconicity ratings in the larger datasets.
Mean imputed scores by levels of cumulative markedness
cumulative |
n |
ico_imputed |
fun_imputed |
---|---|---|---|
0 |
59843 |
0.4908895 |
2.377589 |
1 |
7301 |
0.7852391 |
2.450599 |
2 |
113 |
1.2294607 |
2.646994 |
Cumulative markedness for <10 deciles of imputed iconicity
n |
ico_imputed |
fun_imputed |
cumulative |
---|---|---|---|
60940 |
0.3901764 |
2.353881 |
0.0985724 |
imputed iconicity for 20 random words of high phonological complexity
word |
ico_imputed_perc |
ico_imputed |
cumulative |
---|---|---|---|
clomp |
10 |
2.7573962 |
2 |
blurt |
10 |
2.2853380 |
2 |
squirt |
10 |
2.1139378 |
2 |
spunk |
10 |
2.0987844 |
2 |
dribble |
10 |
2.0983419 |
2 |
trunch |
10 |
1.9866388 |
2 |
flinch |
10 |
1.8646337 |
2 |
sluggish |
10 |
1.5854586 |
2 |
cronk |
10 |
1.4004689 |
2 |
primp |
8 |
0.9036671 |
2 |
blueish |
8 |
0.8951717 |
2 |
crawfish |
8 |
0.8564163 |
2 |
swinish |
8 |
0.8504212 |
2 |
snowbank |
7 |
0.7425518 |
2 |
blondish |
5 |
0.4183398 |
2 |
blandish |
5 |
0.4082991 |
2 |
trench |
4 |
0.2827599 |
2 |
flank |
4 |
0.2230756 |
2 |
crayfish |
3 |
0.1607801 |
2 |
prudish |
3 |
0.1531699 |
2 |
Cumulative markedness scores per iconicity decile in Set B
ico_imputed_perc |
n |
ico |
fun |
onset |
coda |
verbdim |
cumulative |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 |
182 |
-0.4528116 |
2.220783 |
0.0714286 |
0.0164835 |
0.0000000 |
0.0879121 |
2 |
249 |
-0.0841993 |
2.268928 |
0.0843373 |
0.0160643 |
0.0000000 |
0.1004016 |
3 |
247 |
0.1030573 |
2.318616 |
0.1052632 |
0.0202429 |
0.0000000 |
0.1255061 |
4 |
299 |
0.2579817 |
2.317502 |
0.1270903 |
0.0200669 |
0.0033445 |
0.1505017 |
5 |
290 |
0.4042797 |
2.349267 |
0.1068966 |
0.0172414 |
0.0068966 |
0.1310345 |
6 |
323 |
0.5487701 |
2.377754 |
0.1207430 |
0.0309598 |
0.0030960 |
0.1547988 |
7 |
333 |
0.7084445 |
2.403432 |
0.1141141 |
0.0180180 |
0.0000000 |
0.1321321 |
8 |
374 |
0.9002872 |
2.487929 |
0.1470588 |
0.0454545 |
0.0000000 |
0.1925134 |
9 |
370 |
1.1681607 |
2.528468 |
0.1594595 |
0.0297297 |
0.0081081 |
0.1972973 |
10 |
369 |
1.7764394 |
2.705826 |
0.2276423 |
0.0921409 |
0.0271003 |
0.3468835 |
Cumulative markedness scores per iconicity decile in Set C
ico_imputed_perc |
n |
ico |
fun |
onset |
coda |
verbdim |
cumulative |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 |
6643 |
-0.4518873 |
2.245994 |
0.0575041 |
0.0058708 |
0.0003011 |
0.0636760 |
2 |
6540 |
-0.0871170 |
2.271298 |
0.0677370 |
0.0053517 |
0.0004587 |
0.0735474 |
3 |
6507 |
0.1024110 |
2.291713 |
0.0705394 |
0.0075304 |
0.0003074 |
0.0783771 |
4 |
6402 |
0.2590349 |
2.307478 |
0.0670103 |
0.0078101 |
0.0010934 |
0.0759138 |
5 |
6345 |
0.4032373 |
2.334882 |
0.0780142 |
0.0077226 |
0.0011032 |
0.0868400 |
6 |
6297 |
0.5495897 |
2.357597 |
0.0865492 |
0.0079403 |
0.0007940 |
0.0952835 |
7 |
6208 |
0.7108025 |
2.397076 |
0.0979381 |
0.0106314 |
0.0011276 |
0.1096972 |
8 |
6188 |
0.9045974 |
2.449854 |
0.1115061 |
0.0119586 |
0.0021008 |
0.1255656 |
9 |
6056 |
1.1732741 |
2.521398 |
0.1370542 |
0.0143659 |
0.0034676 |
0.1548877 |
10 |
5778 |
1.8190651 |
2.692276 |
0.2057805 |
0.0188647 |
0.0074420 |
0.2320872 |
Cumulative markedness is particularly good for predicting iconicity,
rivalling funniness, word frequency and log letter frequency as a
predictor of iconicity rating (model mS.1
). It is less good for
predicting funniness ratings, which are (as we know) also influenced by
semantic and collocational factors (model mS.2
).
Model mS.1: lm(formula = ico ~ logfreq + rt + fun + logletterfreq + cumulative, , data = words.setA)
predictor |
df |
SS |
(F) |
(p) |
partial (\eta^2) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
logfreq |
1 |
58.495 |
55.422 |
0.000 |
0.038 |
rt |
1 |
0.054 |
0.051 |
0.822 |
0.000 |
fun |
1 |
72.397 |
68.594 |
0.000 |
0.046 |
logletterfreq |
1 |
44.700 |
42.351 |
0.000 |
0.029 |
cumulative |
1 |
73.125 |
69.284 |
0.000 |
0.047 |
Residuals |
1413 |
1491.344 |
Model mS.2: lm(formula = fun ~ logfreq + rt + logletterfreq + ico * cumulative, , data = words.setA)
predictor |
df |
SS |
(F) |
(p) |
partial (\eta^2) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
logfreq |
1 |
36.143 |
266.115 |
0.000 |
0.159 |
rt |
1 |
1.249 |
9.195 |
0.002 |
0.006 |
logletterfreq |
1 |
7.653 |
56.346 |
0.000 |
0.038 |
ico |
1 |
6.144 |
45.241 |
0.000 |
0.031 |
cumulative |
1 |
0.092 |
0.676 |
0.411 |
0.000 |
ico:cumulative |
1 |
0.858 |
6.315 |
0.012 |
0.004 |
Residuals |
1412 |
191.773 |
A quick look at a range of IPhOD measures shows that none of them correlates as strongly with iconicity or funniness as logletterfreq, so they don’t offer us much additional explanatory power.
N.B. IPhOD contains homographs, but frequencies are given only at the level of orthographic forms. To avoid duplication of data we keep only the first of multiple homographs in IPhOD, accepting some loss of precision about possible pronunciations. We use IPhOD’s phonotactic probability and phonological density measures. Since we have no stress-related hypotheses we work with unstressed calculations. We work with values unweighted for frequency because we include frequency as a fixed effect in later analyses.
Valence is one reason for some iconic words not being rated as funny. Words like ‘crash’, ‘dread’, ‘scratch’ and ‘shoot’ (all in the lowest percentiles of valence) may be highly iconic but they have no positive or humorous connotation. In general, valence is of course already known to be related to funniness ratings: negative words are unlikely to be rated as highly funny.
Valence percentiles for words rated as iconic but not funny
word |
ico |
fun |
ico_perc |
fun_perc |
valence_perc |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
crash |
3.769231 |
1.731707 |
10 |
1 |
1 |
scratch |
3.285714 |
1.800000 |
10 |
1 |
5 |
low |
2.916667 |
1.575758 |
10 |
1 |
3 |
shoot |
2.600000 |
1.838710 |
10 |
1 |
2 |
dread |
2.545454 |
1.583333 |
10 |
1 |
1 |
pulse |
2.416667 |
1.923077 |
9 |
1 |
9 |
slum |
2.400000 |
1.696970 |
9 |
1 |
1 |
stab |
2.285714 |
1.666667 |
9 |
1 |
1 |
killer |
2.090909 |
1.466667 |
9 |
1 |
1 |
carnage |
2.090909 |
1.885714 |
9 |
1 |
2 |
sick |
2.000000 |
1.846154 |
9 |
1 |
1 |
torment |
2.000000 |
1.310345 |
9 |
1 |
1 |
prompt |
2.000000 |
1.914286 |
9 |
1 |
9 |
stick |
1.928571 |
1.769231 |
9 |
1 |
6 |
small |
1.923077 |
1.769231 |
9 |
1 |
7 |
gloom |
1.916667 |
1.888889 |
9 |
1 |
1 |
corpse |
1.900000 |
1.878788 |
9 |
1 |
1 |
victim |
1.846154 |
1.571429 |
9 |
1 |
1 |
Simon Kirby asked on Twitter whether the relation between funniness and iconicity might have something to do with child-directedness. This is hard to test directly (and unlikely to apply across the board) but if this were the case presumably it would also be reflected in AoA ratings — e.g., the more funny and iconic words would have relatively lower AoA ratings. (Importantly: we already know from Perry et al. 2017 that AoA is negatively correlated with iconicity: words rated higher in iconicity have a somewhat lower age of acquisition.)
We have AoA data for all 1.419 words in set A. It doesn’t really explain the iconicity + funniness relation. That is, words high in both iconicity and funniness are not strikingly low in AoA.
Though an important caveat is that this particular small subset may not be the best data to judge this on.
AoA ratings for every decile of combined iconicity and funniness
diff_rank |
n |
mean.aoa |
---|---|---|
2 |
14 |
6.714286 |
3 |
39 |
7.150513 |
4 |
66 |
6.632273 |
5 |
71 |
6.578169 |
6 |
98 |
6.425612 |
7 |
104 |
6.498365 |
8 |
113 |
6.420443 |
9 |
122 |
6.417049 |
10 |
112 |
6.270446 |
11 |
124 |
6.340081 |
12 |
102 |
5.975392 |
13 |
88 |
6.211932 |
14 |
84 |
6.348333 |
15 |
62 |
6.193387 |
16 |
48 |
6.368542 |
17 |
48 |
6.667917 |
18 |
44 |
6.930454 |
19 |
40 |
7.022500 |
20 |
40 |
7.146500 |
The sign of simple (uncorrected) correlations is positive for funniness (r = 0.1), but negative for iconicity (r = -0.07), so if anything there is not a unitary effect here (and the two cancel each other out).
cor.test(words$fun,words$aoa)
cor.test(words$ico,words$aoa)
cor.test(words$diff_rank,words$aoa)
# doesn't look very different in the ico_imputed ratings in set B
words %>%
drop_na(aoa) %>%
filter(set=="B") %>%
group_by(diff_rank_setB) %>%
summarise(n=n(),mean.ico=mean.na(ico_imputed),mean.aoa=mean.na(aoa)) %>%
kable(caption="AoA ratings for every decile of imputed iconicity and funniness in set B")
AoA ratings for every decile of imputed iconicity and funniness in set C
diff_rank_setC |
n |
mean.ico |
mean.aoa |
---|---|---|---|
2 |
541 |
-0.4430372 |
12.207763 |
3 |
820 |
-0.2533501 |
12.026902 |
4 |
1103 |
-0.1043019 |
11.916999 |
5 |
1342 |
0.0005344 |
12.027414 |
6 |
1470 |
0.0755901 |
11.939408 |
7 |
1724 |
0.1730946 |
11.833515 |
8 |
1658 |
0.2596555 |
11.817979 |
9 |
1803 |
0.3375967 |
11.925130 |
10 |
1831 |
0.4183328 |
11.685560 |
11 |
1714 |
0.5205835 |
11.647083 |
12 |
1576 |
0.5927657 |
11.566002 |
13 |
1445 |
0.6779066 |
11.528595 |
14 |
1258 |
0.7798878 |
11.503458 |
15 |
1109 |
0.8541895 |
11.429675 |
16 |
988 |
0.9600370 |
11.164443 |
17 |
870 |
1.0548924 |
11.102793 |
18 |
750 |
1.2269124 |
10.907840 |
19 |
694 |
1.3898187 |
10.604366 |
20 |
712 |
1.8827607 |
9.935927 |
Same for funniness
fun_imputed_perc |
n |
mean.fun |
mean.aoa |
---|---|---|---|
1 |
1171 |
1.812639 |
11.31959 |
2 |
1170 |
1.957586 |
11.51386 |
3 |
1171 |
2.025905 |
11.45502 |
4 |
1170 |
2.077910 |
11.52602 |
5 |
1170 |
2.121456 |
11.58050 |
6 |
1171 |
2.161224 |
11.54835 |
7 |
1170 |
2.200252 |
11.56376 |
8 |
1171 |
2.236485 |
11.59654 |
9 |
1170 |
2.270268 |
11.65503 |
10 |
1170 |
2.303327 |
11.77170 |
11 |
1171 |
2.338253 |
11.66440 |
12 |
1170 |
2.375653 |
11.79544 |
13 |
1171 |
2.416009 |
11.83196 |
14 |
1170 |
2.458268 |
11.77729 |
15 |
1170 |
2.505473 |
11.88938 |
16 |
1171 |
2.560082 |
11.86482 |
17 |
1170 |
2.625283 |
11.69788 |
18 |
1171 |
2.711887 |
11.60738 |
19 |
1170 |
2.833098 |
11.57900 |
20 |
1170 |
3.091464 |
10.73097 |
Reviewer 1 asked us to look into word classes. We report this here as an exploratory analysis. The correlation between funniness and iconicity ratings has the same sign across word classes. The somewhat steeper correlation in verbs (n = 241) can be attributed in part to the verbal diminutive suffix -le (n = 17).
Mean iconicity and funniness in set A across word classes
POS |
n |
mean.ico |
mean.fun |
raw.correlation |
---|---|---|---|---|
Adjective |
109 |
0.9662906 |
2.270046 |
0.1839577 |
Noun |
1049 |
0.7212491 |
2.367076 |
0.2059030 |
Verb |
241 |
1.4846836 |
2.366951 |
0.5255179 |